The tool of '75 is just a slogan?

The politics of Bangladesh has developed through movement and struggle. Since the partition of the country in 1947, the movements on street has been the lifeline in politics. The language movement of 1952, the education movement of '62, the mass uprising of '69. The political environment was quite heated at that time and the awakening of Bengalis took place in the wake of this political heat. People were involved in this movement. They were also active and conscious in their participation. This movement also developed our culture and standards of thought. Many timeless slogans have been created through the movements. The historical significance of these slogans is priceless. ‘Tomar amar thikana / Padma-Meghna-Jamuna’, ‘Bir Bengali ostro dhor / Bangladesh swadhin kor’, ‘Raktashurja utheche / Bir Bangali jegeche’. The political significance of the slogans is profound. Literary value is much higher. These slogans address the identity of Bengalis. The expression of the political destination and aspirations of the people of this country. After independence, the slogans of the JASAD became aggressive along with their destructive political character. Negative, destructive slogans like, ‘Omuker chamra tule nibo amra’, ‘Omuker dui gale juta maro tale tale’, or ‘Jaliye dao puriye dao, dalad der astana’ occupied the field of politics. Slogans like ‘Lakho shaheeder rokte mukto swadesh / esho desh gori’ bacme a thing of the past. Before the liberation war, the procession used to start with 'Joy Bangla'. The JSD started to start the procession with ‘Jalo re jalo, Agun jalo’. In this continuation, on 15th August, 1975, disaster fell upon the fate of the Bengali nation. Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became the victim of the most brutal barbarism in history. The contrast of slogans in the politics of post-75 Bangladesh is very noticeable. In one hand, the immortal creative slogans, on the other hand, intense communal and provocative slogans took place in the field of politics. ‘Ek Mujib Lokantare / Lakh Mujib Ghore Ghore’ or ‘Mujib hottar porinam, Bangla hobe Vietnam’. Slogans like this added a new dimension to politics. In contrast, ‘Russia-Bharat dalalra, hushiar shabdhan’ or slogans like 'Sikkim noy Bhutan noy / Ei amader Bangladesh’, are being uttered. After '75, the slogan 'Joy Bangla' was banned and 'Bangladesh Zindabad' was introduced. In this way, two opposite trends are running parallel in politics like two poles. One style of politics which nurtures Bangladesh in the heart and the other type denies Bangladesh, patronizes extremist and communal forces. Taking Bangladesh back to Pakistani style again.

The political slogans of these two streams also reflect their political thinking. In contrast to the poetic slogan of 'Teknaf theke Tentulia / Mujib ache desh juriya', horrible slogans like 'Amra shobai Taliban / Bangla hobe Afghan' are also heard in the political arena. However, I have been shocked to hear a slogan recently. In the procession of Dhaka University Chhatra Dal a slogan was given, ’75 er hatiyar / Gorje uthuk arekbar (Let the tool of ’75 rise again)’. In my opinion, this is not just a slogan, it is an expression of ugly political malice. Those who have given this slogan must have such thoughts in their political plans. After this slogan Awami League has given political program. The ruling party will protest in front of the National Press Club this (Saturday) afternoon. There will be some more programs ahead. On the contrary, the BNP may also retaliate. The field of politics will be heated. Attempts to implement the blueprint to make politics violent will be intensified. But I was shocked, surprised that the BNP leaders have no regrets after such a seditious slogan! They did not rebuke any of the leaders and workers of their student party. Did not admit that such slogans could not be the language of any political activist. Chhatra Dal also did not officially announce the withdrawal of such offensive slogans. On the contrary, this slogan has brought a kind of complacency in the inner circle of BNP leaders. I have heard that some leaders have applauded these miscreants. Which indicates that the slogan given by Chhatra Dal at Dhaka University is not an isolated incident but a manifestation of the BNP's political intentions. In a family, the language spoken by the parents is reflected in the children. In the same way the values and ideas of a political organization is reflected in its Chhatra and Juba organizations. '75 er hatiyar (tool of ‘75)' is therefore not an isolated, over-enthusiastic slogan. This is the political philosophy of the BNP. August 15, 1975 is the saddest day in the politics of Bangladesh. This is unprecedented, one of the most horrific events in the history of world politics. No healthy politician in the world can support this fact. But unfortunately, supporting this worst event in history is one of the main policies of the BNP. After the murder of the father of the nation, the murderer Mushtaq issued an indemnity ordinance to stop the trial of this murder. Zia not only upheld the ordinance; but also given diplomatic jobs to the killers abroad. Zia gave the title of 'Son of the Sun' to these murderers. In 1991, the BNP came to power again under the leadership of Begum Zia. At that time the Awami League had requested to cancel the Indemnity Ordinance. Begum Zia rejected that request. Instead of firing the killers Begum Zia’s Government promoted the killers. The Awami League came to power in 1996 after a long 21 years. After that the trial of the murder of the father of the nation began. The Indemnity Ordinance was repealed in Parliament. The trial of Bangabandhu's murder began under the existing law. Judgment under customary law is a long process. The murderers are given the maximum punishment in the lower court. But on the day of the lower court's verdict, the BNP went on a nationwide strike. The change of power took place while the verdict of the Bangabandhu murder case was awaiting the decision of the Supreme Court. Then the BNP-Jamaat alliance came to power and Barrister Moudud Ahmed became the law minister. By creating a vacuum of justice, Begum Zia's government blocked the way for the trial of Bangabandhu's murder. Not only that, among the self-confessed murderers who were doing diplomatic jobs, their jobs were gone for murder cases. But Begum Zia came to power and reinstated them. I mention these incidents because the political tendency to support the heinous assassination of '75 is ingrained in the BNP. It is a settled issue that Zia was involved in the assassination of Bangabandhu. However, not only Zia, but the entire BNP is the political beneficiary of August 15, 1975. That is why the BNP kept the killers safe. Did not allow justice to be done. The Indemnity Ordinance has not been repealed. The strike was called on the day of the verdict. Even a few years ago, on this day of mourning, Begum Zia cut a cake and celebrated like a demonic festival.

The BNP not only supports August 15, 1975, but also wants another August 15. In various conversations of the BNP leaders, the vile intention of making another August 15 was expressed in the past. The BNP, of course, wanted to bring back '75 not only in words but also in deeds. August 21, 2004. On that day, another plan was hatched to assassinate Sheikh Hasina. But Sheikh Hasina miraculously survived that day by the grace of God. This time, however, the youth activists of Chhatra Dal did not raise the slogan of August 15. They are talking about the tool of '75. There is a big difference between the tools of August 15 and the tool of '75. August 15 was the implementation of a heinous conspiracy. And the tool of '75 is the material to make August 15 happen. The tools of '75 were the instruments or weapons with which the Bengali nation was made guardian less. What was it actually? In my opinion, there are five characteristics of the tool of '75. The first material was a group of believers in Pakistan and Pakistani agents or spies participating in the liberation war. They did not believe in the existence of Bangladesh. They were only implementing an unrealistic blueprint to make Bangladesh Pakistan again. The second tool of '75 was the international conspiracy. The father of the nation became the leader of world humanity. The voice of the exploited and deprived people of the world. The western imperialists were afraid of Bangabandhu and through him the socialist world was aroused. That is why they joined hands with the pro-Pakistan people. There was international support for this heinous murder in history. The killings were supported by those who are now vocal about human rights. The third tool of '75 was the pro-Pakistan administration. All but a handful of freedom fighters were Pakistani foot soldiers. These were the ones who worked from within the administration to make the Bangabandhu government unpopular. The fourth tool was the traitors of the party. A large section of the Awami League, led by the murderous Mushtaq, became part of the August conspiracy. They separated the apostates of the party from Bangabandhu. They surrounded the father of the nation with flattery and flattery. And the last tool was the cowardly leadership and the confused workers. This cowardly incompetent leadership went to Bangabhaban and accepted Mushtaq's loyalty in fear of arms. Only one or two people like Bangabir Kader Siddiqui or the late Advocate Sirajul Haque protested separately. Quader Siddiqui's protest was armed. And Sirajul Haque's protest was the voice. These five formulas came together at one point and became a deadly tool. The tool that kills the best man of all time. The weapon of ‘75 is not just a bullet fired to assassinate a head of state. It is a deadly weapon to destroy the very existence of Bengalis.

The tool of '75 is in fact an explosive to destroy Bangladesh. So did the BNP send a message of destruction of Bangladesh through the slogan of Chhatra Dal? Are they making the blueprint to destroy all the achievements of Bangladesh? Are they trying to combine the 5 forces of ’75? You don't need to be an expert to understand that BNP wants this. Some signs of the BNP's conspiracy are now visible. The United States is now almost forcibly sniffing at everything in Bangladesh. Peter Haas doesn't seem to have time to catch his breath after coming to this country as a new ambassador. Attending different programs almost every day and regularly threatening Bangladesh everywhere. Who gave him this right? Innocent civilians are being shot dead every day in the United States. A few days ago, there was an attack on a school in Texas. Right after a few days another attack took place in Oklahoma Medical Center. No country says the lives of citizens in the United States are under threat. How do they complain about the human rights of Bangladesh when the lives of its citizens are so uncertain? The ghosts of anti-independence forces have risen again in the administration. They are embarrassing the government in various ways. It is for them; the prices of goods are skyrocketing. Sitting inside the administration, they are working against the government. The bureaucrats who suddenly became Awami League in disguise in the administration are now like a grenade. The Awami League is also now dominated by opportunistic and abrupt leaders. The sacrificial-tested ones of the team are cornered everywhere. There is division and despair in the grassroots. Some of the rising leaders are doing things that are putting the government in an embarrassing situation. The cabinet is a combination of apolitical, neutral, technocrats. Sheikh Hasina is saying all the things. Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader is also speaking as the party's general secretary. But I don't know how much his statements now provoke the leaders and workers of Awami League. Why should a leader who has fought so hard and fought look at the paper and talk? Other ministers of the Awami League government are not holding any less meetings. The five-star hotels in Dhaka are filled with ministers' meetings, rallies and seminars. Apart from Dr. Hasan Mahmud, SM Rezaul Karim, Dr. Abdur Razzak, Enamul Haque Shamim and Khalid Mahmud Chowdhury, how many other ministers talk about the political issues? Ministers have now turned into big bureaucrats. They seem to have got a precious job and do not want to be controversial by making political statements.

In such a scenario, the country is moving towards another election. A year and a half before the election, the BNP has demanded a non-partisan caretaker government. As a political party, BNP can make this demand. They are also holding meetings with various political parties on this demand. There is nothing wrong with that either. But there is reason to be alarmed at the way the party has now turned its students and youth organization into a mob. This fear exacerbates when the ‘75er hatiyar (tool of ‘75)’ slogan comes up. And this slogan cannot be ignored when there is a game of conspiracy around. So the question may arise, does BNP want blood before the inauguration of the Padma Bridge? Why some of the western countries are now so much interested in Bangladesh? Are they getting hint of a heated situation? Is this why there is mourning in the controlled media of the civilians? Is this why the rice market is occupied by the syndicate? Is it all a concerted effort to mobilize the tool of '75? The tool of '75 is actually a conspiracy. The Chhatra Dal, which came to know the secret of the BNP leaders, became very enthusiastic and expressed it in the form of a slogan. The slogan in the Chhatra Dal procession again proved that the BNP actually wants to remove this government by causing incidents like '75. Conspiracy is the main weapon of BNP, not people, election or democratic political movement. This is their tool of '75. Now the question is, has the Awami League realized the essence of the slogan of ’75 er hatiyar gorje uthuk arekbar (Let the tool of 75 rise again)’? If so, the government will take action by identifying the conspirators inside and outside. And if they don't realize the essence, they will carry out some political programs and start the blame game.